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After the DPD notified her that her son was dead, the cops supplied several different stories. The police told her, Vicki said, that he'd had a heart attack at a bar, or that he collapsed by his vehicle, or that he fell unresponsive in an ambulance. None of those conflicting accounts could be reconciled, nor could any of them adequately explain why Timpa would have grass in his nose and bruises on his arms, which were apparent on her son's body when she went to the morgue.
Vicki then filed suit against the police. But the department refused to give her the body camera footage, threatening her ability to effectively outline what happened and meet the minimum standard required to file such a suit. The government then moved to have her complaint dismissed for not being specific enough, despite that it was the government that was withholding the specifics.
"The idea about this plausible pleading standard is to give defendants notice of what is being alleged against them," Joanna Schwartz, a law professor at UCLA and author of Shielded: How the Police Became Untouchable, told me earlier this year. "Well, the Dallas Police Department had all the notice in the world about what their officers had done, and yet used this tool to try to get the case dismissed."
It took three years before Vicki Timpa would be able to see how her son died. In August 2019, a court ordered the DPD to release the footage, clearing the way for Vicki to state in her suit what the officers knew all along.
In a practical sense, that was just the beginning. In July 2020, the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Texas gave the police qualified immunity, the legal doctrine that dooms suits against state and local government actors if the misconduct alleged was not "clearly established" in a prior court ruling. Timpa's family invoked Gutierrez v. City of San Antonio, a 1998 case in the same federal circuit in which police officers were denied qualified immunity after a man died while they similarly restrained him facedown. The man in that case was hog-tied—whereas Timpa was handcuffed with his feet zip-tied—which Judge David Godbey said was enough of a departure to render it ineffective at putting the Dallas officers on notice.
That thin distinction exemplifies how difficult it can be to overcome qualified immunity, with many courts demanding that victims find a pre-existing precedent that essentially mirrors their allegations. Such a ruling often doesn't exist. But in a surprise decision, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit overturned Godbey's ruling in December 2021, denying the officers qualified immunity and paving the way for Vicki to move forward.
"Within the Fifth Circuit, the law has long been clearly established that an officer's continued use of force on a restrained and subdued subject is objectively unreasonable," wrote Judge Edith Brown Clement. She also invoked the DPD's specific guidance on the prone restraint, which the officers appeared to ignore. Police can still receive qualified immunity even if they violate their own training, however, which puzzlingly assumes that officers are more likely to read decades of case law than they are their own department policy.
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but no thread discussing it as a political topic
If a driver looks away while passing a police car, cops learn from a checklist promoted at an October 2021 conference in Atlantic City, that is suspicious. But if a driver stares at the police car, that is also suspicious. Hats work both ways too: Wearing one "low to cover [your] face" is suspicious, but so is removing a hat when you are stopped by the police. Other telltale signs of criminal activity, according to Street Cop Training's list of "reasonable suspicion factors," include texting, smoking, lip licking, yawning, stretching, talking to a passenger while keeping your eyes on the road, signaling a turn early or late, maintaining "awkward closeness" or "awkward distance" during a stop, standing parallel or perpendicular to the car, saying you are heading to work or heading home, questioning the reason for the stop, and refusing permission for a search.
That Street Cop Training checklist, which offers handy excuses for officers keen to conduct searches for drugs or seizable cash, figures prominently in a recent report from Kevin Walsh, New Jersey's acting comptroller. The report criticizes the New Jersey company for encouraging officers to make or extend stops without reasonable suspicion and for promoting a "warrior" mentality that fosters the excessive use of force. "We found so many examples of so many instructors promoting views and tactics that were wildly inappropriate, offensive, discriminatory, harassing, and, in some cases, likely illegal," Walsh said when he released the report this week. "The fact that the training undermined nearly a decade of police reforms—and New Jersey dollars paid for it—is outrageous."
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A bill filed in the Missouri House would create a process to sue police officers in state court for the deprivation of individual rights without the possibility of “qualified immunity” as a defense.
Rep. LaKeySha Bosley prefiled House Bill 1602 (HB1602) for introduction in 2024. The legislation would create a cause of action in state courts to sue a police officer who “under color of law, deprives any individual of his or her constitutional rights.”
The bill specifically prohibits “qualified immunity” as a defense.
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Similar laws have been passed in Colorado and New Mexico, and California closed some of the qualified immunity loopholes in its state law.
It remains unclear how the state legal process would play out in practice.
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but no thread discussing it as a political topic.
A bill filed in the New Hampshire House would create a process to sue police officers in state court for using excessive force or taking other actions that violate individual rights without the possibility of “qualified immunity” as a defense.
A group of representatives led by Rep. J.R. Hoell prefiled House Bill 1640 (HB1640) on Dec. 15. The legislation would create a cause of action in state courts to sue an agent of the state of New Hampshire, or any of its political subdivisions, including police officers, for a violation of a right under the laws or constitution of New Hampshire or the United States Constitution.
HB1640 explicitly excludes a qualified immunity defense.
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A bill introduced in the New Jersey Assembly would create a process to sue police officers in state court for using excessive force or taking other actions that violate individual rights without the possibility of “qualified immunity” as a defense.
Rep. Verlina Reynolds-Jackson and Rep. Benjie Wimberly introduced Assembly Bill 850 (A850) on Jan. 9. The legislation would amend existing law that creates a cause of action in state courts to sue police officers who deprive a person of “substantive due process or equal protection rights, privileges or immunities secured by the Constitution or laws of the United States, or any substantive rights, privileges or immunities secured by the Constitution or laws of this State.”
The new language would stipulate that qualified immunity is not a defense in these cases. In effect, it would prohibit public employees and employers from invoking a defense that the “plaintiff’s rights, privileges, or immunities were not clearly established at the time of their deprivation in causes of action for unjustified use of force or violations of the New Jersey Civil Rights Act.”
A850 would also remove sovereign immunity as a defense for the state itself. It reads, “the State is not entitled to sovereign immunity for itself or any public entity within the State for claims brought pursuant to the New Jersey Civil Rights Act.”
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The legal doctrine of qualified immunity is closely associated with police misconduct in many Americans’ minds. Yet the doctrine shields government officials of all stripes—and accused of all different kinds of constitutional violations—from civil rights lawsuits. The Institute for Justice (IJ), which litigates qualified immunity cases nationwide, today released a new study, Unaccountable, that analyzes thousands of federal appeals court decisions.
Unaccountable demonstrates how qualified immunity shields a wide range of government abuses, arbitrarily thwarts civil rights, and fails to fulfill its promises. The IJ study analyzed the largest-ever collection of qualified immunity cases—more than 5,500 federal appeals spanning 11 years. The results show that fewer than one-quarter of appeals concerned police officers accused of excessive force.
“Debates about qualified immunity often treat it as if it’s a rule about the police,” said Institute for Justice Deputy Litigation Director Bob McNamara, who co-authored the study. “But this study shows that qualified immunity is a rule about the entire Constitution—and one that prevents citizens from holding all sorts of government officials accountable for their actions.”
Most prior research into qualified immunity looks at how it applies to police officers, especially those accused of excessive force. But Unaccountable finds that a wide array of government officials claimed qualified immunity, including social workers, university deans, and mayors. And the allegations they faced were similarly diverse.
One of the most common allegations made in qualified immunity appeals is a violation of First Amendment rights. Such allegations appeared in nearly 1 in 5 appeals. In most of those appeals, government officials were accused of premediated retaliation against employees or private citizens for protected speech or other activity they didn’t like.
The case of IJ client Sylvia Gonzalez is emblematic. Sylvia was elected as the first Hispanic councilwoman in her Texas town, running on a platform calling for the firing of the mayor’s hand-picked city manager. After Sylvia took office and continued her efforts to fire the city manager, the mayor retaliated against her by having her arrested on bogus criminal charges. The district attorney quickly dropped the charges, and Sylvia sued over the violation of her First Amendment rights. A district court denied qualified immunity, but the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals overturned on a separate procedural issue. Sylvia’s case will be heard by the U.S. Supreme Court this spring, almost five years after her arrest.
Sylvia’s case highlights a second problem brought to light in Unaccountable: qualified immunity appeals often take years. The median duration of a qualified immunity lawsuit is three years and two months, 23% longer than a typical civil suit up on federal appeal. This burdens victims of government abuse and the courts. Unaccountable found 2,000 extra appeals before the federal courts that wouldn’t have existed without the special appeals rights qualified immunity gives to government defendants.
Qualified immunity disadvantages victims of government abuse in other ways. All of these issues lead to government defendants winning more than they lose. The circuit courts granted qualified immunity in 54% of appeals and denied it in just 26%. (In the remaining opinions, the courts handed down mixed opinions or did not rule on qualified immunity at all.) Those national figures mask wide variation across the circuits: While the 4th and 6th Circuits denied qualified immunity in 41% of cases, the 5th Circuit denied qualified immunity only 16% of the time.
This study adds evidence to prior research showing that qualified immunity fails to accomplish its proponents’ goals. Among other problems, it is far too complicated and confusing to give government officials fair notice of what rules to follow. And the doctrine appears to do little to thwart burdensome lawsuits, as Unaccountable found that qualified immunity appeals often take years and occur deep into litigation.
Unaccountable is part of IJ’s Project on Immunity and Accountability, which is dedicated to the principle that government officials are not above the law. The project seeks to ensure that if citizens must follow the law, then government officials must follow the Constitution. It is also one of the latest examples of IJ’s longstanding practice of representing victims of government retaliation.
Related:
South Bend SWAT Destruction
Amy Hadley watched in horror as her home was raided by police and destroyed in South Bend, Indiana, in June 2022. Over a year later, her family is still traumatized and their home still bears the scars of the raid. And all of this happened because police were searching for a man who was never in their home and who had no connection to Amy’s family.
Noah Hadley, just 15 at the time, was the only one there when police surrounded his home and started calling for occupants to come out. He followed their instructions and told them he was the only one in the house. Officers cuffed Noah and took him away without letting him call his mom.
Amy arrived on the scene shortly after the officers took her son away. A neighbor had called her, telling her about the commotion at her home. None of the officers believed Amy when she tried to explain that the officers had the wrong house. She watched from down the street as a SWAT team and other officers shattered windows with tear gas grenades, flooded the house with toxic fumes, upended furniture, tore down fixtures, punched holes in the walls, destroyed family photos and drawings, and rifled through the family’s belongings.
More:
South Bend SWAT Destruction - Institute for Justice
In South Bend, a SWAT team raided the wrong home, leaving a single mom with thousands of dollars in damage not covered by insurance. She is suing for compensation.ij.org
Massive New Study Reveals That Qualified Immunity Is About More Than Police Misconduct - Institute for Justice
ARLINGTON, Va.—The legal doctrine of qualified immunity is closely associated with police misconduct in many Americans’ minds. Yet the doctrine shields government officials of all […]ij.org
The study:
Unaccountable - Institute for Justice
The largest ever study of qualified immunity cases, Unaccountable finds the doctrine shields a wider array of officials and conduct than commonly thought while unacceptably burdening victims of government abuse and failing at its goals.ij.org
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