MAHA / farming

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pmbug

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I've been contacted by the Trump transition team to hold some sort of position within the USDA and have accepted one of the six "Advisor to the Secretary" spots. My favorite congressman, Thomas Massie from Kentucky, has agreed to go in as Secretary of Agriculture.

He's been the sponsor of the PRIME ACT, which, if pushed through, would be the biggest shot across the bow of the entrenched industrial meat processing system we've seen in a century. Let liberty ring. Wouldn't that be a change of fortune for Big Ag?

If RFK Jr. goes in as Sec. of Health and Human Services, everything will be inverted. ...






Winds of change coming....
 
Trimp is assembling the best talent in the USA. Jamie Dimon will be Treasury Secretary..
 
Trimp is assembling the best talent in the USA. Jamie Dimon will be Treasury Secretary..
That would be an amazing deal for Jamie. I'll bet he has stock options and holding of more than a billion dollars. If he is selected he gets to sell his position tax free. Probably the same deal for Elon who has about 200 billion in stock holdings.
 


“We’re going to give farmers an off-ramp from the current system that destroys their health, wrecks the soil, makes Americans sick, and destroys family farms.”

1. “We’re going to REWRITE the regulations to give smaller operators a break.”

2. “We’re going to encourage sustainable regenerative farming that can build soil and replenish aquifers.”

3. “We’re going to BAN the worst agricultural chemicals that are already prohibited in other countries, and we’re going to remove conflicts of interest from the USDA dietary panels and commissions.”
 
MAHA news:
The FDA is revoking the authorization for the use of FD&C Red No. 3 as a matter of law, based on the Delaney Clause of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FD&C Act). The FDA is amending its color additive regulations to no longer allow for the use of FD&C Red No. 3 in food and ingested drugs in response to a 2022 color additive petition. The petition requested the agency review whether the Delaney Clause applied and cited, among other data and information, two studies that showed cancer in laboratory male rats exposed to high levels of FD&C Red No. 3 due to a rat specific hormonal mechanism. The way that FD&C Red No. 3 causes cancer in male rats does not occur in humans. Relevant exposure levels to FD&C Red No. 3 for humans are typically much lower than those that cause the effects shown in male rats. Studies in other animals and in humans did not show these effects; claims that the use of FD&C Red No. 3 in food and in ingested drugs puts people at risk are not supported by the available scientific information.

The Delaney Clause, enacted in 1960 as part of the Color Additives Amendment to the FD&C Act, prohibits FDA authorization of a food additive or color additive if it has been found to induce cancer in humans or animals. This is not the first time the agency revoked an authorization based on the Delaney Clause. For example, in 2018, the FDA revoked the authorization for certain synthetic flavors based on the Delaney Clause in response to a food additive petition.

FD&C Red No. 3 is a synthetic food dye that gives foods and drinks a bright, cherry-red color. The FDA estimates that FD&C Red No. 3 is not as widely used in food and drugs when compared to other certified colors based on information available in third-party food product labeling databases, food manufacturers’ websites and other public information, and the FDA’s certification data. FD&C Red No. 3 has been primarily used in certain food products, such as candy, cakes and cupcakes, cookies, frozen desserts, and frostings and icings, as well as certain ingested drugs.

Manufacturers who use FD&C Red No. 3 in food and ingested drugs will have until January 15, 2027 or January 18, 2028, respectively, to reformulate their products. Other countries still currently allow for certain uses of FD&C Red No. 3 (called erythrosine in other countries). However, foods imported to the U.S. must comply with U.S. requirements.

 
RFK Jr said:
The @NYTimes and other Pharma-funded MSM outlets contacted my office this morning, feigning indignation that @RWMaloneMD has a conflict that they suggest might impair his scientific judgment as a member of the new ACIP panel.

The NY Times’ sudden squeamishness about conflicts of interest on the ACIP panel begs the question: Where has the Times been for the last 20 years during which individual panelists regularly voted to recommend new vaccines owned by companies with which they personally had obscene financial conflicts?

The New York Times reporter objected to the fact that, in 2017, Malone drafted an expert report for a federal case on behalf of a whistleblower, Merck’s laboratory director Stephen Krahling, who accused the company of forcing him to falsify lab reports to inflate the efficacy of the mumps component of its MMR jab. The Times claims that its “experts believe” that Malone’s involvement in these legal proceedings should make him ineligible to vote on future ACIP recommendations.

In fact, HHS will, for the first time in history, institute bias policies recommending that ACIP panelists recuse themselves from decisions in which their current or former clients have a financial interest.

Vaccine mandates give these panelists the awesome power to guarantee billion-dollar annual profits to their Pharma benefactors from trapped markets of 74 million American children now compelled to purchase a zero-liability product with no legitimate safety testing. Despite years of complaints about conflicts and corruption at ACIP—from congress, the HHS inspector General, and others—the mainstream media has largely remained silent. The single exception to this omerta has been United Press International (UPI) reporter Mark Benjamin who summarized the committee’s pervasive putrescence in 2003. Benjamin wrote that ACIP panelists often share vaccine patents, own stock in vaccine companies, “receive payment for research or to monitor vaccine trials, and receive vaccine-maker funding for their academic departments.”

A 2000 Congressional investigation offered one example of those conflicts: “Four out of eight CDC advisory committee members who voted to approve guidelines for the rotavirus vaccine in June 1998 had financial ties to pharmaceutical companies that were developing different versions of the vaccine.”

Despite all the critiques, my predecessors at HHS did virtually nothing to purge the corruption at ACIP. We now have a slate of scientists, physicians, and public health experts of impeccable integrity who will vote to promote public health rather than the private profit interests of the New York Times’ advertisers.

 
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